It became clear two minutes after Newt Gingrich won
in South Carolina that citizens were about to be treated to a non-stop
effort to portray his smashing win as the result of his attack on the
media. A victory, we were informed by cable and network commentators,
which Mr. Gingrich owed to his cleverness in finding ways to give the
press-hating right-wingers in South Carolina the red meat they craved.
He'd won, we heard repeatedly, by insulting a fine reporter, CNN's
John King -- pronouncements accompanied by no little handwringing and
defense of Mr. King who had only done what any good reporter-moderator
would have done in raising the question about the public accusations
made by Mr. Gingrich's second wife. Mr. King, it turned out, was far
more serene about events than the chorus of commentators mourning his
alleged victimization by Mr. Gingrich.
The image of the speaker as a man who owes his current strength
mainly to attacks on the press is now a standard tool of his opponents
-- a caricature meant to offset certain realities about his rise. The
sort of realities recognizable to considerable numbers of people in Iowa
where polls had begun running heavily in favor of Mr. Gingrich from
late November on in the wake of his debate performance there and
elsewhere. Iowans heard, from Mr. Gingrich, not media attacks but
bracing expressions of American values electric in their effect. That
was why he kept rising in the polls.
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Republican presidential candidate Newt Gingrich
That is, until, under the sheer weight
of a nonstop, richly financed ad assault on behalf of Mitt Romney, they
began to crumble as Mr. Gingrich was depicted, relentlessly, in the
darkest terms. Then came South Carolina, and a debate, in which the
speaker who had held those earlier audiences in thrall appeared on stage
again, and in full voice. This time, to turn aside a journalist's
effort to bait him with questions suggesting he was a racist, into a
powerful affirmation of the right of all citizens of every race and
status to hold a job, to earn money.
That was the standing ovation moment, and he had not reached it by
attacking the press. That moment was his because he had given eloquent
voice to core beliefs prized by most Americans.
The speaker has made his missteps in these forums. Among them we can
count those little moments -- there were two -- of flirtatious
deference, Monday, to Ron Paul and some of Dr. Paul's ideas which the
speaker now discovers he can embrace. Not a pretty sight. There ought to
be a way in which displays of realpolitik -- attracting the Paul voters
-- come out looking better than this, if they're to be made at all. A
dubious proposition.
Tonight's debate in Florida may be, as advertised, crucial to the
outcome of the race there. But whether Speaker Gingrich knocks this one
out of the park or he doesn't, one fact stands clear. He's survived this
long against extraordinary odds and attained the challenger status he
now holds not because of his nifty way of attacking the media, poor
dears. He's here because he speaks to people in ways that assume their
interest in ideas of consequence, and they know it -- they can hear. And
because he speaks in ways that reflect a respect for their
intelligence, and has much to say to them. They know that, too. This way
of relating to voters is no gimmick. It's a condition of mind and one
of bottomless value on a campaign trail.
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